A Human Rights First Report

Command.s

Responsibility

Detainee Deaths in U.S. Custody in Iraq and Afghanistan

Written by Hina Shamsi and Edited by Deborah Pearlstein

February 2006

Table of Contents

I. Introduction................................................................ 1

II. Homicides: Death by Torture, Abuse or Force ......... 5

Twelve Individual Cases Profiled.................... 6

III. Death by Officially Unknown, .Natural.

or Other Causes.................................................... 21

Nine Individual Cases Profiled......................21

IV. Failures in Investigation ........................................ 29

V. Failure of Accountability......................................... 35

VI. The Path Ahead .................................................... 41

VII. Appendices .......................................................... 43

VIII. Endnotes.......................................................... 103

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Human Rights First is a leading human rights advocacy organization

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Acknowledgements

This report was written by Hina Shamsi and edited by

Deborah Pearlstein.

Others who contributed to the report are Maureen Byrnes,

Avi Cover, Miriam Datskovsky, Ken Hurwitz, Allison Johnson,

Priti Patel, Michael Posner, and Lauren Smith. Michael Russo

made substantial contributions at all stages of research and

report-writing.

Human Rights First would like to thank the many former military

officers and other experts who generously provided insights on

aspects of the report.

Human Rights First gratefully acknowledges the generous support

of the following: Anonymous (2); Arca Foundation; The Atlantic

Philanthropies; The David Berg Foundation; Joan K. Davidson

(The J.M. Kaplan Fund); Charles Lawrence Keith and Clara Miller

Foundation; The Elysium Foundation; FJC – A Foundation of Donor

Advised Funds; Florence Baker Martineau Foundation;

Ford Foundation; The Arthur Helton Fellowship; Herb Block

Foundation; JEHT Foundation; John D. & Catherine T. MacArthur

Foundation; John Merck Fund; The Kaplen Foundation; Merlin

Foundation; Open Society Institute; The Overbrook Foundation;

Puget Sound Fund of Tides Foundation; Rhodebeck Charitable

Trust; The Paul D. Schurgot Foundation, Inc.; TAUPO Community

Fund of Tides Foundation; The Oak Foundation.

Cover design: Sarah Graham

Cover photo: Mark Wilson/Getty Images

Command.s Responsibility documents a dozen brutal deaths as the result

of the most horrific treatment. One such incident would be an isolated

transgression; two would be a serious problem; a dozen of them is policy.

The law of military justice has long recognized that military leaders are

held responsible for the conduct of their troops. Yet this report also

documents that no civilian official or officer above the rank of major

responsible for interrogation and detention practices has been charged in

connection with the torture or abuse-related death of a detainee in U.S.

custody. And the highest punishment for anyone handed down in the case

of a torture-related death has been five months in jail. This is not

accountability as we know it in the United States.

 

John D. Hutson

Rear Admiral (Ret.), JAGC, USN

 

The torture and death catalogued in excruciating detail by this important

Human Rights First report did not happen spontaneously. They are the

consequence of a shocking breakdown of command discipline on the part

of the Army.s Officer Corps. It is very clear that cruel treatment of

detainees became a common Army practice because generals and

colonels and majors allowed it to occur, even encouraged it. What is

unquestionably broken is the fundamental principle of command

accountability, and that starts at the very top. The Army exists, not just to

win America.s wars, but to defend America.s values. The policy and

practice of torture without accountability has jeopardized both.

 

David R. Irvine

Brig. Gen. (Ret.) USA

 

Command.s Responsibility . 1

A Human Rights First Report

I. Introduction

Do I believe that [abuse] may have hurt us in winning the hearts and minds of Muslims around

the world? Yes, and I do regret that. But one of the ways we address that is to show the world

that we don.t just talk about Geneva, we enforce Geneva . . . . [T]hat.s why you have these military

court-martials; that.s why you have these administrative penalties imposed upon those

responsible because we want to find out what happened so it doesn.t happen again. And if

someone has done something wrong, they.re going to be held accountable.

U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales

Confirmation Hearings before the Senate Judiciary Committee

January 6, 2005

Basically [an August 30, 2003 memo] said that as far as they [senior commanders] knew there

were no ROE [Rules of Engagement] for interrogations. They were still struggling with the definition

for a detainee. It also said that commanders were tired of us taking casualties and they

[told interrogators they] wanted the gloves to come off . . . . Other than a memo saying that they

were to be considered .unprivileged combatants. we received no guidance from them [on the

status of detainees].

Chief Warrant Officer Lewis Welshofer

Testifying during his Court Martial for Death of Iraqi General Abed Hamed Mowhoush

January 19, 2006

Since August 2002, nearly 100 detainees have died

while in the hands of U.S. officials in the global .war on

terror.. According to the U.S. military.s own classifications,

34 of these cases are suspected or confirmed

homicides; Human Rights First has identified another

11 in which the facts suggest death as a result of

physical abuse or harsh conditions of detention. In

close to half the deaths Human Rights First surveyed,

the cause of death remains officially undetermined or

unannounced. Overall, eight people in U.S. custody

were tortured to death.

Despite these numbers, four years since the first known

death in U.S. custody, only 12 detainee deaths have

resulted in punishment of any kind for any U.S. official.

Of the 34 homicide cases so far identified by the

military, investigators recommended criminal charges in

fewer than two thirds, and charges were actually

brought (based on decisions made by command) in

less than half. While the CIA has been implicated in

several deaths, not one CIA agent has faced a criminal

charge. Crucially, among the worst cases in this list .

those of detainees tortured to death . only half have

resulted in punishment; the steepest sentence for

anyone involved in a torture-related death: five months

in jail.

It is difficult to assess the systemic adequacy of

punishment when so few have been punished, and

when the deliberations of juries and commanders are

largely unknown. Nonetheless, two patterns clearly

emerge: (1) because of investigative and evidentiary

failures, accountability for wrongdoing has been limited

at best, and almost non-existent for command; and (2)

2 . I. Introduction

A Human Rights First Report

commanders have played a key role in undermining

chances for full accountability. In dozens of cases

documented here, grossly inadequate reporting,

investigation, and follow-through have left no one at all

responsible for homicides and other unexplained

deaths. Commanders have failed both to provide troops

clear guidance, and to take crimes seriously by

insisting on vigorous investigations. And command

responsibility itself . the law that requires commanders

to be held liable for the unlawful acts of their subordinates

about which they knew or should have known .

has been all but forgotten.

The failure to deal adequately with these cases has

opened a serious accountability gap for the U.S.

military and intelligence community, and has produced

a credibility gap for the United States . between

policies the leadership says it respects on paper, and

behavior it actually allows in practice. As long as the

accountability gap exists, there will be little incentive for

military command to correct bad behavior, or for civilian

leadership to adopt policies that follow the law. As long

as that gap exists, the problem of torture and abuse will

remain.

This report examines how cases of deaths in custody

have been handled. It is about how and why this

.accountability gap. between U.S. policy and practice

has come to exist. And it is about why ensuring that

officials up and down the chain of command bear

responsibility for detainee mistreatment should be a top

priority for the United States.

The Cases to Date

The cases behind these numbers have names and

faces. This report describes more than 20 cases in

detail, to illustrate both the failures in investigation and

in accountability. Among the cases is that of Manadel

al-Jamadi, whose death became public during the Abu

Ghraib prisoner-abuse scandal when photographs

depicting prison guards giving the thumbs-up over his

body were released; to date, no U.S. military or

intelligence official has been punished criminally in

connection with Jamadi.s death.

The cases also include that of Abed Hamed Mowhoush,

a former Iraqi general beaten over days by U.S.

Army, CIA and other non-military forces, stuffed into a

sleeping bag, wrapped with electrical cord, and

suffocated to death. In the recently concluded trial of a

low-level military officer charged in Mowhoush.s death,

the officer received a written reprimand, a fine, and 60

days with his movements limited to his work, home,

and church.

And they include cases like that of Nagem Sadoon

Hatab, in which investigative failures have made

accountability impossible. Hatab, a 52-year-old Iraqi,

was killed while in U.S. custody at a holding camp

close to Nasiriyah. Although a U.S. Army medical

examiner found that Hatab had died of strangulation,

the evidence that would have been required to secure

accountability for his death . Hatab.s body . was

rendered unusable in court. Hatab.s internal organs

were left exposed on an airport tarmac for hours; in the

blistering Baghdad heat, the organs were destroyed;

the throat bone that would have supported the Army

medical examiner.s findings of strangulation was never

found.

Although policing crimes in wartime is always challenging,

government investigations into deaths in custody

since 2002 have been unacceptable. The cases

discussed in this report include incidents where deaths

went unreported, witnesses were never interviewed,

evidence was lost or mishandled, and record-keeping

was scattershot. They also include investigations that

were cut short as a result of decisions by commanders

. who are given the authority to decide whether and to

what extent to pursue an investigation . to rely on

incomplete inquiries, or to discharge a suspect before

an investigation can be completed. Given the extent of

the non-reporting, under-reporting, and lax record

keeping to date, it is likely that the statistics reported

here, if anything, under-count the number of deaths.

Command.s Responsibility . 3

A Human Rights First Report

Among our key findings:

Commanders have failed to report deaths of

detainees in the custody of their command, reported

the deaths only after a period of days and

sometimes weeks, or actively interfered in efforts to

pursue investigations;

Investigators have failed to interview key witnesses,

collect useable evidence, or maintain

evidence that could be used for any subsequent

prosecution;

Record keeping has been inadequate, further

undermining chances for effective investigation or

appropriate prosecution;

Overlapping criminal and administrative investigations

have compromised chances for

accountability;

Overbroad classification of information and other

investigation restrictions have left CIA and Special

Forces essentially immune from accountability;

Agencies have failed to disclose critical information,

including the cause or circumstance of death,

in close to half the cases examined;

Effective punishment has been too little and

too late.

Closing the Accountability Gap

The military has taken some steps toward correcting

the failings identified here. Under public pressure

following the release of the Abu Ghraib photographs in

2004, the Army reopened over a dozen investigations

into deaths in custody and conducted multiple investigation

reviews; many of these identified serious flaws.

The Defense Department also .clarified. some existing

rules, reminding commanders that they were required

to report .immediately. the death of a detainee to

service criminal investigators, and barring release of a

body without written authorization from the relevant

investigation agency or the Armed Forces Medical

Examiner. It also made the performance of an autopsy

the norm, with exceptions made only by the Armed

Forces Medical Examiner. And the Defense Department

says that it is now providing pre-deployment

training on the Geneva Conventions and rules of

engagement to all new units to be stationed in Iraq and

responsible for guarding and processing detainees.

But these reforms are only first steps. They have not

addressed systemic flaws in the investigation of

detainee deaths, or in the prosecution and punishment

of those responsible for wrongdoing. Most important,

they have not addressed the role of those leaders who

have emerged as a pivotal part of the problem .

military and civilian command. Commanders are the

only line between troops in the field who need clear,

usable rules, and policy-makers who have provided

broad instructions since 2002 that have been at worst

unlawful and at best unclear. Under today.s military

justice system, commanders also have broad discretion

to insist that investigations into wrongdoing be pursued,

and that charges, when appropriate, be brought. And

commanders have a historic, legal, and ethical duty to

take responsibility for the acts of their subordinates. As

the U.S. Supreme Court has recognized since World

War II, commanders are responsible for the acts of

their subordinates if they knew or should have known

unlawful activity was underway, and yet did nothing to

correct or stop it. That doctrine of command responsibility

has yet to be invoked in a single prosecution

arising out of the .war on terror..

Closing this accountability gap will require, at a

minimum, a zero-tolerance approach to commanders

who fail to take steps to provide clear guidance, and

who allow unlawful conduct to persist on their watch.

Zero tolerance includes at least this:

4 . I. Introduction

A Human Rights First Report

First, the President, as Commander-in-Chief,

should move immediately to fully implement the

ban on cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment

passed overwhelmingly by the U.S. Congress

and signed into law on December 30, 2005. Full

implementation requires that the President clarify his

commitment to abide by the ban (which was called into

question by the President.s statement signing the bill

into law). It also requires the President to instruct all

relevant military and intelligence agencies involved in

detention and interrogation operations to review and

revise internal rules and legal guidance to make sure

they are in line with the statutory mandate.

Second, the President, the U.S. military, and

relevant intelligence agencies should take

immediate steps to make clear that all acts of

torture and abuse are taken seriously . not from

the moment a crime becomes public, but from

the moment the United States sends troops and

agents into the field. The President should issue

regular reminders to command that abuse will not be

tolerated, and commanders should regularly give

troops the same, serious message. Relevant agencies

should welcome independent oversight . by Congress

and the American people . by establishing a centralized,

up-to-date, and publicly available collection of

information about the status of investigations and

prosecutions in torture and abuse cases (including trial

transcripts, documents, and evidence presented), and

all incidents of abuse. And the Defense and Justice

Departments should move forward promptly with longpending

actions against those involved in cases of

wrongful detainee death or abuse.

Third, the U.S. military should make good on the

obligation of command responsibility by developing,

in consultation with congressional,

military justice, human rights, and other advisors,

a public plan for holding all those who

engage in wrongdoing accountable. Such a plan

might include the implementation of a single, high-level

convening authority across the service branches for

allegations of detainee torture and abuse. Such a

convening authority would review and make decisions

about whom to hold responsible; bring uniformity,

certainty, and more independent oversight to the

process of discipline and punishment; and make

punishing commanders themselves more likely.

Finally, Congress should at long last establish

an independent, bipartisan commission to

review the scope of U.S. detention and interrogation

operations worldwide in the .war on terror..

Such a commission could investigate and identify the

systemic causes of failures that lead to torture, abuse,

and wrongful death, and chart a detailed and specific

path going forward to make sure those mistakes never

happen again. The proposal for a commission has

been endorsed by a wide range of distinguished

Americans from Republican and Democratic members

of Congress to former presidents to leaders in the U.S.

military. We urge Congress to act without further delay.

This report underscores what a growing number of

Americans have come to understand. As a distinguished

group of retired generals and admirals put it in a

September 2004 letter to the President: .Understanding what

has gone wrong and what can be done to avoid systemic

failure in the future is essential not only to ensure that those

who may be responsible are held accountable for any wrongdoing,

but also to ensure that the effectiveness of the U.S.

military and intelligence operations is

not compromised by an atmosphere of permissiveness,

ambiguity, or confusion. This is fundamentally a

command responsibility.. It is the responsibility of

American leadership.

Command.s Responsibility . 5

A Human Rights First Report

II. Homicides: Death by Torture, Abuse or Force

An American soldier told us of our father.s death. He said: .Your father died during the interrogation.

. So we thought maybe it was high blood pressure under personal stress. This would

happen in American detention centers. People would die of high blood pressure. But afterwards

the people who were imprisoned, detained with him said: .No. They would torture him and they

assigned American soldiers to him especially for the torture. He died during the torture.. . . .

Honestly, my mother, after the case, after they brought my father dead, she entered a state we

can say a coma or like a coma. She withdrew from life.

Hossam Mowoush (in translation)

Son of Iraqi Maj. Gen. Abed Hamed Mowhoush,

Killed in U.S. Custody November 26, 20031

Of the close to 100 deaths in U.S. custody in the global

.war on terror,. 2 at least a third were victims of homicide

at the hands of one or more of their captors.3 At

least eight men, and as many as 12, were tortured to

death. 4 The homicides also include deaths that the

military initially classified as due to .natural causes,.

and deaths that the military continues to classify as

.justified.. This chapter briefly reviews the facts of some

of these worst cases, and the consequences . or not .

for those involved.

Definition of a Detainee

In this report, we include any death of a detainee under effective

U.S. control as a .death in custody.. We adopt the definition of

.detainee. used by the U.S. Army Criminal Investigative Command

(CID) . the Army.s agency for investigating crimes committed by

soldiers . .any person captured or otherwise detained by an armed

force..5 For the purposes of this report, we do not include people

killed in the course of combat or as a result of injuries sustained

during combat, or persons shot at checkpoints when it is alleged

that they disobeyed orders to stop their vehicle. We do include

prisoners in U.S. military detention centers, as well as those who

have been killed while being interrogated in their homes, or shot at

the point of their capture, after surrendering to U.S. troops. Once a

person has been captured, the U.S. military or intelligence agency

assumes control over him, and can restrain him against his will. It is

under these circumstances that American law and values are most

acutely tested.

6 . II. Homicides: Death by Torture, Abuse or Force

A Human Rights First Report

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

So then the interrogator came that used to interrogate [me] in the Baghdadi jail. . . . He told me:

.We are going to let you see your father.. Of course this was a point of relief. [Mohammed was

taken by U.S. forces to the facility where his father was held, the .Blacksmith Hotel..]. . . . They

took me to my father.s room. He was under very tight security. I looked in and I saw him. He

looked completely drained and distraught and the impacts or signs of the torture were clear on

him. His clothes were old and torn. He was really upset. When I first saw him I was overwhelmed

and had a breakdown. I started crying and I embraced him and I told him: .Don.t

worry. I am brave. I am going to be able to handle these circumstances like you taught me.. At

this instant the interrogator stormed in. He grabbed me and I tried to remain seated . . . . So he

threatened my father that if he didn.t speak he would turn me over to the men who interrogated

my father and do to me what they did to him or he would have me killed in an execution operation

. . . . So they took me to him and they said: .This is your son, we are going to execute him if

you don.t confess.. My father didn.t confess. One of them pulled me to a place where my father

couldn.t see. He pulled his gun, he took it out of the place where it was kept and he shot a fire

into the sky. And he hit me a hit so that I would cry out. So, this moment there was at the place

where I was, blood, I mean drops of blood. They [then] took [me] to the side and they brought

my father and said: .This is your son.s blood. We killed him. So, it is better for you to confess

lest this happen to the rest of your sons.. My father, when he saw the blood, he must have

thought that I had been killed. At this moment, he fell to the ground.

Mohammed Mowoush (in translation), describing his

last sight of his father, Iraqi Maj. Gen. Abed Hamed

Mowhoush. Killed in U.S. Custody November 26, 20036

Major General Abed Hamed

Mowhoush with a grandson

Abed Hamed Mowhoush

Abed Hamed Mowhoush turned himself over to U.S.

forces in Iraq on November 10, 2003,7 about a month

before U.S. forces captured ousted Iraqi leader

Saddam Hussein, and at a time when pressure on

Army intelligence to produce information was at its

height. At Forward Operating Base (.FOB.) Tiger,

where Mowhoush appeared, the U.S. Army had set up

a base camp and prison operations earlier in the year;

the facility was near the town of Al Qaim at the western

edge of Anbar province, about a mile from the Syrian

border.8 By mid-October 2003, FOB Tiger was staffed

with about 1,000 soldiers from the 1st Squadron of the

3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment (.ACR.), based in Fort

Carson, Colorado Springs, Colorado.9 Their mission

included the detention and interrogation of captured

prisoners, a mission that took on added importance that

November, as U.S. forces picked up Iraqi men

and boys in the region in an effort to quell a rising

insurgency.

According to Chief

Warrant Officer

Lewis Welshofer,

who was deployed

to Iraq in March

2003 as part of the

military intelligence

company of the 3rd

ACR,10 guidelines

on how to conduct

prisoner interrogations at FOB Tiger were sparse.11

Welshofer described a captain.s memo he had received

in late August 2003, which stated that there were no

specific rules of engagement for interrogations in Iraq,

and that U.S. Army Central Command officials were still

struggling with the basic definition of a .detainee..12

Although specific rules were hard to come by, command

was clear that intelligence to date was

inadequate and, as Welshofer put it: .[t]hey were

looking for ideas outside the box..13 In the meantime,

captured detainees were to be considered .unprivileged

Command.s Responsibility . 7

A Human Rights First Report

combatants.14 . a status that the Bush Administration

had separately suggested meant detainees were not to

be afforded the protections of the Geneva Conventions.

15 Welshofer understood this guidance to include

detainees like Mowhoush,16 a former uniformed Major

General in the Iraqi Army,17 and a soldier whom in past

conflicts the United States would have considered

presumptively under Geneva protections.18

Soon after, a September 10, 2003 memo from Lt. Gen.

Ricardo S. Sanchez, then U.S. Army Commander of

the Coalition Joint Task Force in Iraq, underscored with

new specificity the confusion over the applicability of

Geneva protections in Iraq.19 Even as he recognized

that other countries might view certain practices as

inconsistent with the Geneva Conventions, General

Sanchez authorized such harsh interrogation techniques

as sleep and environmental manipulation, the

use of aggressive dogs, and the use of stress positions.

20 Welshofer testified later that the meaning of

.stress positions. had never been explained in his Army

training back in the States; 21 Welshofer was left largely

to his own devices to fill in the meaning of the term.

According to Welshofer, the Sanchez memo (disclosed

publicly for the first time in January 2006) was the only

guidance on permissible interrogation techniques in

Iraq he ever received.22

The Interrogations

By the time Mowhoush, 57, arrived at FOB Tiger in

mid-November, his four sons had been in U.S. custody

for approximately 11 days, held in a prison outside

Baghdad.23 According to one of them, Hossam, U.S.

forces made clear to the sons in the course of interrogations

that they had been arrested for the purpose of

making sure General Mowhoush turned himself in.24

According to the son, Mowhoush arrived at the base

expecting that he would be able to set his sons free.25

But Mowhoush.s sons remained in detention; one of

them would later play a part in U.S. efforts to extract

from their father what information they could.

Chief Welshofer was among the first interrogators

Mowhoush would see. According to Welshofer, his

interrogation of Mowhoush on the day of Mowhoush.s

arrival on November 10 was limited to direct questions

. a two-hour affair that passed with little of consequence.

26 By the end of that week, though, Welshofer

had begun to take a different approach. Welshofer took

Mowhoush, his hands bound, before an audience of

fellow detainees and slapped him . an attempt,

according to Welshofer, to show Mowhoush who was in

charge.27

Still unsatisfied with Mowhoush.s answers in interrogation,

Welshofer.s unit brought Mowhoush with them

when they moved a few days later from FOB Tiger to a

converted railroad station called the Blacksmith Hotel.28

The .Hotel. was a makeshift facility, set up to handle an

influx of Iraqi prisoners anticipated from sweeps

intended to stop the growing insurgency.29 There, on

November 24, Welshofer called in interrogation

reinforcements.30 According to military documents and

trial testimony, Welshofer engaged CIA and possibly

Army Special Forces personnel . together with a

.Scorpion. team of Iraqi paramilitary forces on the CIA

payroll . to ratchet up the pressure.31 Three separate

soldiers eventually recounted what they saw and

heard.32 The new team beat Mowhoush with sledgehammer

handles;33 as one soldier testified, eight to ten

of the non-military forces .interrogate[d] Mowhoush and

.beat the crap. out of him..34 Specialist Jerry Loper, a

guard at the Blacksmith Hotel, was standing outside the

interrogation room the night of November 24 when

some of the beatings were going on, and described

hearing the thudding sound of Mowhoush being hit. .It

wasn.t like they were hitting a wall,. said Loper, .[t]here

were loud screams..35 After Mowhoush.s death, an

Army autopsy revealed the effects of the beatings:

Mowhoush had .massive. bruising and five broken

ribs.36

The next day, Welshofer interrogated Mowhoush again,

this time on the roof of the interrogation building. Here,

in the absence of any more specific instructions for

interrogation techniques, Welshofer reached back

beyond his basic training in the Army, to his own

service as a trainer at a military school in Hawaii where

U.S. service members are coached on what they might

face if there were to fall into enemy hands.37 The

military.s .SERE. courses (standing for Survival,

Evasion, Resistance, Escape) were based on studies

of North Korean and Vietnamese efforts to break

American prisoners; the courses aimed to subject

trainees to the brutal detention conditions they would

have faced at the hands of the United States. former

enemies.38 Among other things, the courses put troops

through prolonged isolation, sleep deprivation, and

painful body positions; studies of the effects on troops

subjected to these techniques showed most suffering

from overwhelming stress, despair, and intense

anxiety, and some from hallucinations and delusions as

well.39 Internal FBI memos and press reports have

pointed to SERE training as the basis for some of the

harshest techniques authorized for use on detainees by

the Pentagon in 2002 and 2003.40 When Welshofer was

asked during his court martial whether anyone told him

8 . II. Homicides: Death by Torture, Abuse or Force

A Human Rights First Report

that SERE techniques were not to be used in Iraq,

Welshofer was unequivocal: .No sir..41

With these techniques in his interrogator.s mind,

Mowhoush.s next session included having his hands

bound, being struck repeatedly on the back of his arms,

in the painful spot near the humerus, and being doused

with water42 . all these, according to Welshofer and

others who later testified, drawn from the lessons of

techniques learned in SERE.43 Later that evening, Chief

Welshofer arranged for a short meeting between

Mowhoush and his youngest son, Mohammed, then 15

years old; Welshofer hoped the meeting would compel

Mowhoush to convey more useful information. 44 He

later described Mowhoush as being moved to tears

upon seeing his son.45 According to Mohammed

though, the meeting was more than a conversation; in

interviews with Human Rights First, Mohammed

explained that U.S. personnel made Mowhoush believe

his son would be executed if he did not speak to their

satisfaction, and soldiers fired a bullet into the ground

near Mohammed.s head within earshot but just beyond

the eyesight of Mowhoush.46 Mohammed reports this

was the last time he saw his father alive.47

By November 26, Welshofer was ready to try yet

another technique . stuffing his subject into a sleeping

bag until Mowhoush was prepared to respond.48

Welshofer had already proposed the sleeping bag

technique to his Company Commander, Major Jessica

Voss, who authorized its use.49 Much later, trial

testimony would make clear that the technique had

been used on at least 12 detainees.50 It proved

catastrophically ineffective in Mowhoush.s case. During

his final interrogation, Mowhoush was shoved head-first

into the sleeping bag, wrapped with electrical cord, and

rolled from his stomach to his back. Welshofer sat on

Mowhoush.s chest and blocked his nose and mouth.51

At one point, according to Loper, Mowhoush started to

clinch and kick his legs, .almost like he was being

electrocuted..52 It was at this point Mowhoush gave out,

dying (according to the autopsy report) of asphyxia due

to smothering and chest compression.53

The day after his death, the U.S. military issued a press

release stating that Mowhoush had died of natural

causes.54

Taking Account

Despite the brutality of Mowhoush.s death, and the

likely involvement of officials from the CIA, only one

individual, Chief Welshofer, has faced court martial for

his actions. Over the course of a 6-day trial in Colorado,

more than two years after Mowhoush.s final

interrogation, a 6-member Army jury heard testimony

that civilian leaders in the Administration had instructed

that Geneva Convention protections against cruel and

inhuman treatment would not apply in this conflict; that

the U.S. commanding general in Iraq, General Sanchez,

had authorized .stress positions. in

interrogation55; and that, according to Welshofer and his

own commanding officer, Major Voss, stuffing a

detainee in a sleeping bag was widely understood to

fall within that general authorization.56 Jurors also heard

testimony, some closed to the public, of the involvement

of the CIA and Special Forces, as well as of the

Iraqi paramilitary group, the .Scorpions..57 Secret Army

documents had long noted this involvement: .[T]he

circumstances surrounding the death are further

complicated due to Mowhoush being interrogated and

reportedly beaten by members of a Special Forces

team and other government agency (OGA) employees

two days earlier..58 And jurors heard Welshofer.s own

tearful testimony . that he was trying to be a loyal

soldier, and trying to do his job.59

Although he was originally charged with murder,

Welshofer was convicted of lesser charges: negligent

homicide and negligent dereliction of duty.60 That

conviction carried a possible sentence of more than

three years in prison, but Welshofer received a far

more lenient sentence from the Army jury: a written

reprimand, a $6,000 fine, and 60 days with movement

restricted to his home, base, and church.61

The others implicated in Mowhoush.s death have faced

less. Chief Warrant Officer Jefferson Williams and

Specialist Jerry Loper, who were present during

Mowhoush.s interrogation, were originally charged with

murder, but the charges were later dropped. In

exchange for testimony against Welshofer, Williams will

receive administrative (not criminal) punishment, and

Loper will be tried in a summary proceeding rather than

a full court martial.62 Another soldier, Sgt. 1st Class

William Sommer, had his murder charge dropped as

well and may receive nonjudicial punishment.63 No

charges have been brought (nor are charges expected

to be brought according to law enforcement and

intelligence officials) against CIA personnel, and

Special Forces Command determined (without public

explanation) that none of their personnel were guilty of

wrongdoing.64 Major Voss, the officer who commanded

Command.s Responsibility . 9

A Human Rights First Report

the Military Intelligence unit responsible for interrogating

Mowhoush, was reprimanded for her failure to

provide adequate supervision, but she was not charged

in the death.65 The commander of the 3rd ACR from

2002-2004 (including the period of Mowhoush.s death)

was Colonel David A. Teeples.66 At a preliminary

hearing in Welshofer.s case, Teeples testified to his

belief that the sleeping bag technique was approved

and effective;67 Teeples was reportedly .reluctant. to

press charges against Welshofer, despite the view of

military lawyers that Welshofer should be prosecuted.68

Teeples does not appear to have been disciplined in

connection with Mowhoush.s death.

Special Forces & the CIA

The involvement of special military forces and members of other governmental agencies in the interrogation and detention of detainees

has raised serious concerns regarding proper investigative procedures and accountability. The Army.s CID has jurisdiction over crimes

committed by all U.S. Army personnel; CID.s Field Investigative Units are trained to conduct investigations that implicate classified activities,

69 and individual detachments have investigated deaths in which Special Forces personnel played a part.70 Yet it appears that

alternative investigative procedures have sometimes been used where Special Forces were involved. For example, in one case involving

the 2nd Battalion of the 5th Special Forces Group, commanders conducted their own investigation and failed to inform CID of the death.71

When CID did learn of the incident, it simply reviewed and approved the pre-existing inquiry . an inquiry that itself remains classified. 72

Brigadier General Richard Formica completed an investigation into allegations of detainee abuse in Iraq by Special Forces personnel, but

the Army has also classified the resulting report, refusing to release even a summary of its findings.73

Deaths in which the CIA has been implicated (alone or jointly with Army Special Forces or Navy SEALS) have presented additional

problems.74 Such deaths are required to be investigated by the CIA Inspector General and, if cause exists, referred to the Department of

Justice for prosecution.75 Yet while five of the deaths in custody analyzed by Human Rights First appear to involve the CIA,76 only a

contract worker associated with the CIA has to date faced criminal charges for his role in the death of detainees. Further, the CIA has

sought to keep closed the courts-martial of Army personnel where CIA officers may be implicated,77 and has in military autopsies classified

the circumstances of the death.78 These efforts have encumbered the investigation and prosecution of both CIA officials and military

personnel.79 Thus, for example, in the military trial of Navy SEAL Lt. Andrew Ledford, charged in connection with the death of detainee

Manadel al-Jamadi, CIA representatives protested questions regarding the position of al-Jamadi.s body when he died, and the role of

water in al-Jamadi.s interrogation; questions by defense lawyers were often prohibited as a result. 80 Finally, press reports suggest, the

Department of Justice is unlikely to bring criminal charges against CIA employees for cases involving the death, torture, or other abuse of

detainees, including the deaths of al-Jamadi and General Abed Hamed Mowhoush and a detainee whose name has not been made public

and who died of hypothermia at a CIA-run detention center in Afghanistan.81 The Department of Justice has not made the reasons for its

decisions known.

Reports of internal efforts at the CIA to address detainee abuse by agents are less than encouraging. After completing a review in spring

2004 of CIA detention and interrogation procedures in Afghanistan and Iraq, the CIA Inspector General made 10 recommendations for

changes, including more safeguards against abuse, to CIA Director Porter Goss. 82 Eight of the 10 have been .accepted,. 83 but the

changes did not apparently prevent consideration of a proposal for handling deaths of detainees in CIA custody. According to the Washington

Post: .One proposal circulating among mid-level officers calls for rushing in a CIA pathologist to perform an autopsy and then

quickly burning the body..84

10 . II. Homicides: Death by Torture, Abuse or Force

A Human Rights First Report

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

Abdul Jameel

Lieutenant Colonel Abdul Jameel, a former officer in

the Iraqi army, was detained at a Forward Operating

Base near Al Asad, Iraq, and died there on January 9,

2004.85 He was 47 years old.86

According to Pentagon documents obtained by the

Denver Post, Jameel had been kept in isolation with his

arms chained to a pipe in the ceiling.87 During an

interrogation by Army Special Forces soldiers, he

allegedly lunged and grabbed the shirt of one soldier

and was then beaten.88 Three days later, Jameel

escaped from his cell, but was recaptured.89 During a

subsequent interrogation session, Jameel refused his

interrogators. orders to stay quiet, and was put in a

.stress position.: he was tied by his hands to the top of

his cell door, then gagged. 90 Within five minutes, he

was dead.91 A .senior Army legal official. admitted that

Jameel had been .lifted to his feet by a baton held to

his throat,. causing a throat injury that .contributed. to

his death.92

According to an autopsy conducted by the U.S. Armed

Forces Medical Examiner.s Office and reviewed by

Human Rights First, Jameel.s death was a homicide

caused by .Blunt Force Injuries and Asphyxia.93 . a

lack of oxygen.94 The autopsy found .[t]he severe blunt

force injuries, the hanging position, and the obstruction

of the oral cavity with a gag contributed to [his] death..95

The autopsy detailed evidence of additional abuse

Jameel suffered: a fractured and bleeding throat, more

than a dozen fractured ribs, internal bleeding, and

numerous lacerations and contusions all over his

body.96

Among the findings of the Army.s criminal investigators

was that Jameel .was shackled to the top of a doorframe

with a gag in his mouth at the time he lost

consciousness and became pulseless..97 Criminal

investigators found probable cause to recommend

prosecution of 11 soldiers . including members of the

3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment (the same Regiment

involved in the death of Iraqi Major General Mowhoush),

as well as the Special Forces personnel . for

charges including negligent homicide, assault, and

lying to investigators.98 The investigation into Jameel.s

death also examined CIA involvement.99 The Army

Special Forces Command declined to follow the

recommendations, and investigation findings of any

CIA involvement have not been publicly released.100

Upon reviewing the case, Army commanders decided

that the soldiers. actions were at all points a lawful

response to Jameel.s .misconduct..101 The reasons for

the commanders. decisions are unclear. The same

person, Colonel David A. Teeples, was commander of

the 3rd Armored Cavalry at the time of Jameel.s death

and also that of Iraqi Major General Abed Mowoush.102

Because the killing was found to be justified, no

disciplinary action was taken.103

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

Fashad Mohammed

The Armed Forces Medical Examiner.s report on

autopsy number ME 04-309 reads: .This approximately

27 year-old male civilian, presumed Iraqi national, died

in US custody approximately 72 hours after being

apprehended. By report, physical force was required

during his initial apprehension during a raid. During his

confinement, he was hooded, sleep deprived, and

subjected to hot and cold environmental conditions,

including the use of cold water on his body and

hood..104 Although the autopsy described .multiple

minor injuries, abrasions and contusions. and .blunt

force trauma and positional asphyxia,.105 it found both

the cause of death and manner of death .undetermined.

.106

The autopsy, which was not conducted until three

weeks after Mohammed.s death,107 is a drier version of

accounts pieced together in subsequent inquiries.

Command.s Responsibility . 11

A Human Rights First Report

Mohammed was apparently apprehended by members

of Navy SEAL Team 7, which was operating with the

CIA, in northern Iraq on or about April 2, 2004.108 The

SEALS then brought Mohammed to an Army base

outside Mosul.109 The Navy SEALS who interrogated

Mohammed subjected him to hooding, sleep deprivation,

and exposure to extreme temperatures.all

methods that deviate from the techniques described in

the Army Field Manual on Intelligence Interrogation FM

34-52, but that were approved by the Secretary of

Defense for use at Guantanamo,110 and later authorized

in part by Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez for use in Iraq.111

A Pentagon official relates that after an interrogation,

the SEALS let Mohammed sleep. He never woke up.112

2004.

We know very little about Mohammed.s last hours and

the military has released even less information about its

investigation into his death and charges brought

against those responsible. The most recent press

reports indicate that as many as three Navy SEALS

were charged with abusing Mohammed; charges

included assault with intent to cause death and serious

bodily harm, assault with a dangerous weapon,

maltreatment of detainees, obstruction of justice, and

dereliction of duty. Murder or manslaughter charges

were not brought, reportedly because of lack of

evidence.

113 Human Rights First asked the Department

of Defense on January 26, 2006 for an update on the

status and outcome of any prosecutions in Mohammed

.s case; as of February 10, 2006 we had received

no response.

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

108 Charles Graner next to

the corpse of

Manadel al-Jamadi

Asphyxia is what he died from . as in a crucifixion.

Dr. Michael Baden, Chief Forensic Pathologist, New York

State Police, giving his opinion of the cause of Manadel

al-Jamadi.s death114

Manadel al-Jamadi

According to press accounts, Manadel al-Jamadi, an

Iraqi citizen of unknown age, was captured and tortured

to death in Abu Ghraib by Navy SEALS and CIA

personnel working closely together; he died on

November 4, 2003.115 The SEAL and CIA team that

captured al-Jamadi took turns punching, kicking and

striking him with their rifles after he was detained in a

small area in the Navy camp at Baghdad International

Airport known as the .Romper Room..116 A CIA security

guard later told CIA investigators that after al-Jamadi

was stripped and doused with water a CIA interrogator

threatened him, saying: .I.m going to barbecue you if

you don.t tell me the information..117 A Navy SEAL

reported that the CIA interrogator leaned into al-

Jamadi.s chest with his forearm, and found a pressure

point, causing al-Jamadi to moan in pain.118 A government

report states that another CIA security guard

.recalled al-Jamadi saying, .I.m dying. I.m dying,.

translated by the interpreter, to which the interrogator

replied, .I don.t care,. and, .You.ll be wishing you were

dying...119

When al-Jamadi was taken to Abu Ghraib, he was not

entered on the prison rolls . he was a .ghost. detainee.

120 The intelligence agents took him to the

shower room where,

military police

testified, a non-covert

CIA interrogator

(identified as Mark

Swanner by The New

Yorker) ordered them

to shackle al-Jamadi

to a window about five

feet from the floor, in

a posture known as

the .Palestinian

hanging,. making it

impossible for him to kneel or sit without hanging from

his arms in pain.121 Less than one hour later, Swanner

summoned guards to re-position al-Jamadi, claiming

the detainee was not cooperating.122 When the guards

arrived they found al-Jamadi.s corpse, hooded with a

sandbag and with his arms handcuffed behind his back

and still shackled to the window . which was now

above his head.123 According to one of the guards,

blood gushed from al-Jamadi.s mouth as the guards

released him and his arms were almost coming out of

their sockets.124 A CIA supervisor requested that al12

. II. Homicides: Death by Torture, Abuse or Force

A Human Rights First Report

Jamadi.s body be held overnight and stated that he

would call Washington about the incident.125 The next

morning the .body was removed from Abu Ghraib on a

litter, to make it appear as if he were only ill, so as not

to draw the attention of the Iraqi guards and detainees.

.126 Al-Jamadi.s death became public during the

Abu Ghraib prisoner-abuse scandal, after photographs

of prison guards giving the thumbs-up over his body

were released.127

U.S. forces did not release al-Jamadi.s body to the

International Committee of the Red Cross (.ICRC.) until

February 11, 2004, more than three months after his

death.128 The ICRC delivered the body to Baghdad.s

mortuary the same day, but one expert from Baghdad.s

main forensic medico-legal institute said that the

refrigeration of al-Jamadi.s body for that period made it

difficult for the Iraqis to establish the real cause of

death by autopsy.129 An autopsy conducted by the U.S.

military five days after al-Jamadi.s death had found that

the cause of death was .Blunt Force Injuries Complicated

by Compromised Respiration..130 The autopsy

report noted al-Jamadi had six broken ribs and a

gunshot wound to the spleen.131 A medical examiner

who later examined the autopsy report at the request of

a lawyer for one of the SEALS and was informed of al-

Jamadi.s shackling position gave the opinion that the

likely cause of his death was the hanging position,

rather than beatings inflicted prior to his arrival at Abu

Ghraib.132 According to Dr. Michael Baden, New York

State police chief forensic pathologist, .asphyxia is

what he died from . as in a crucifixion..133 Dr. Edmund

Donahue, the president of the American Academy of

Forensic Scientists, who reviewed the autopsy at the

request of National Public Radio, gave a similar

opinion, saying: .When you combine [the hanging

position] with having a hood over your head and having

the broken ribs, it.s fairly clear that this death was

caused by asphyxia because he couldn.t breathe

properly..134

During a later court martial proceeding, one Navy SEAL

testified that he and his fellow SEALS were not trained

to deal with Iraqi prisoners.135 Although Navy lawyers

testified they trained the SEALS to treat detainees

humanely, one SEAL stated: .The briefing I remember

is that these [prisoners] did not fall under the Geneva

Convention because they were not enemy combatants.

.136

Of the 10 Navy personnel . 9 SEALS and one sailor .

accused by Navy prosecutors of being involved in al-

Jamadi.s death,137 nine were given nonjudicial punishment.

138 In contrast to a general court martial, which is a

criminal felony conviction, nonjudicial or administrative

punishment is usually imposed by an accused.s

commanding officer for minor disciplinary offenses, and

does not include significant jail time.139 The only person

formally prosecuted in the case was Navy SEAL

Lieutenant Andrew K. Ledford, the commander of the

SEAL platoon, who was charged with dereliction of

duty, assault, making a false statement to investigators,

and conduct unbecoming an officer.140 At court-martial,

Ledford was acquitted of all charges.141 The decision

whether to prosecute CIA personnel for possible

wrongdoing is pending,142 but government officials have

indicated that charges are unlikely to be brought.143 The

interrogator, Mark Swanner, continues to work for the

CIA.144 To date, no U.S. official has been punished

criminally in connection with al-Jamadi.s death. Human

Rights First asked the Department of Defense on

January 26, 2006 the status of the al-Jamadi case; as

of February 10, we had received no response.

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

Nagem Sadoon Hatab

Nagem Sadoon Hatab, a 52-year-old Iraqi, was killed in

U.S. custody at a Marine-run temporary holding camp

close to Nasiriyah.145 Soon after his arrival at the camp

in June 2003, a number of Marines beat Hatab,146

including allegedly .karate-kicking. him while he stood

handcuffed and hooded.147 A day later, Hatab reportedly

developed severe diarrhea, and was covered in

feces.148 Once U.S. forces discovered his condition,

Hatab was stripped and examined by a medic, who

thought that Hatab might be faking sickness.149 At the

base commander.s order, a clerk with no training in

handling prisoners dragged Hatab by his neck to an

outdoor holding area, to make room for a new prisoner.

150

The clerk later testified to the ease with which he was

able to drag the prisoner: Hatab.s body, covered by

sweat and his own feces, slid over the sand.151 Hatab

was then left on the ground, uncovered and exposed in

the heat of the sun. He was found dead sometime after

Command.s Responsibility . 13

A Human Rights First Report

midnight. 152 A U.S. Army medical examiner.s autopsy of

Hatab found that he had died of strangulation . a victim

of homicide.153 The autopsy also found that six of

Hatab.s ribs were broken and his back, buttocks, legs

and knees covered with bruises.154

The guards at the detention center to which Hatab had

been brought were ill-prepared for their duty at best.

The previous commander of the facility, Major William

Vickers, would later testify that none of the approximately

30 Marines at the camp had been trained to run

a jail before their assignment: .Not then or even

after..155 Most were reservists and according to Major

Vickers. testimony, the Marines, members of the 2nd

Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment, were assigned to the

guard role after Army and other Marine units refused

it.156 The base commander at the time, Major Clarke

Paulus, had been in that position for a week before

Hatab.s death, and had spent only a day observing the

prison operations before taking command.157 His

predecessor, Major Vickers, added that the camp had

originally been designated a temporary holding facility,

where Marines would interrogate prisoners for a day or

two before their release or transfer.158 Instead, prisoners

were kept for longer, resulting in overcrowding and

a strain on guards.159

The treatment of Hatab.s body did not improve after his

death. A Navy surgeon, Dr. Ray Santos, testified that

when Hatab.s body arrived at the morgue: .It kept

slipping from my hands so I did drop it several times..160

The U.S. Army Medical Examiner, Colonel Kathleen

Ingwersen, who performed the autopsy, reportedly

acknowledged that Hatab.s body had undergone

decomposition because it was stored in an unrefrigerated

drawer before the autopsy.161 In fact, testimony at

a later court martial indicated that a container of

Hatab.s internal organs was left exposed on an airport

tarmac for hours; in the blistering Iraqi heat, the organs

were destroyed.162 Hatab.s ribcage and part of his

larynx were later found in medical labs in Washington,

D.C. and Germany, due to what the Medical Examiner,

Colonel Ingwersen, described as a .miscommunication.

with her assistant.163 Hatab.s hyoid bone . a U-shaped

throat bone located at the base of the tongue164 . was

never found,165 and Colonel Ingwersen testified that she

couldn.t recall whether she removed the bone from the

body during the autopsy or not.166 The bone was a key

piece of evidence, because it supported the Army

Medical Examiner.s finding that Hatab died of strangulation.

167

Although eight Marines were initially charged in the

case, only two were actually court-martialed.168 Major

Paulus, who ordered Hatab dragged by his neck and

permitted him to lie untreated in the sun, was originally

charged with a number of offenses, including negligent

homicide, while Sergeant Gary P. Pittman was charged

with five counts of assault for beating prisoners

(including Hatab) and two counts of dereliction of

duty.169 Neither was sentenced to any prison time,

however, in part because of the lax handling of the

medical evidence.170 The judge in the court martial

proceedings, Colonel Robert Chester, ruled that the

autopsy findings and other medical evidence .

evidence which was also Hatab.s remains . could not

be considered, because it had been lost or destroyed

and thus could not be examined by the defense.171 The

judge.s decision eliminated the possibility that prosecutors

could win conviction on the most serious charges

they had brought. In addition, at Sergeant Pittman.s

court martial, prosecutors acknowledged that the

military had either lost or destroyed photos of Hatab

being interrogated in the days before his death.172

As a result, prosecutors were unable to win conviction

on any charges relating to culpability for Hatab.s death:

Paulus was convicted of dereliction of duty and

maltreatment for ordering a subordinate to drag Hatab

by the neck, and for allowing Hatab to remain unmonitored

in the sun.173 Sergeant Pittman was acquitted of

abusing Hatab, though he was sentenced for assaulting

other detainees.174 Charges against Lance Corporal

Christian Hernandez (who dragged Hatab by the neck),

including negligent homicide, were dropped, and the

cases against the other Marines similarly did not

proceed to trial.175 One Marine, William Roy, accepted a

reduction in rank from a lance corporal to a private first

class in exchange for his testimony. But because the

demotion was a non-judicial punishment, and the basis

for it is not public, the precise contours of his culpability

remain unclear.176

14 . II. Homicides: Death by Torture, Abuse or Force

A Human Rights First Report

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

Abdul Wali

On June 18, 2003, Abdul Wali turned himself in to

soldiers at an Army firebase in Asadabad, Afghanistan,

after he learned they were looking for him.177 The son of

the governor of the province where the base is located

accompanied Wali and initially acted as his interpreter

during interrogation.178 According to this interpreter, the

U.S. interrogator was so aggressive in questioning Wali

that the interpreter left in disgust.179 Three days later, on

June 21, Wali was dead.180

The man who interrogated Abdul Wali was not a

soldier; David Passaro was a former Army Ranger who

had been hired as a civilian contractor by the CIA.181

Reportedly convinced that Wali had information about

weapons that would be used to attack U.S. personnel,

Passaro questioned Wali on June 19 and 20.182 At each

of these sessions, the U.S. government alleges,

Passaro beat Wali, both with his hands and with a

flashlight.183 According to prosecutors, Passaro kicked

Wali in the groin .on at least one occasion..184 Wali,

who apparently suffered from poor health, did not

survive to see a third such interrogation.185

Army criminal investigators looked into Wali.s death,

found that no Army personnel were implicated and

referred the case to the Department of Justice for

possible prosecution of Passaro.186 In June 2004, a

federal grand jury in the Eastern District of North

Carolina indicted Passaro on four counts of assault.187

As of February 2006, the case against Passaro was

moving toward trial, with the government and defense

engaged in arguments about the defenses that would

be allowed, and which witnesses would testify in the

proceedings.188 According to his lawyer, Passaro.s

position at trial will be that abusive questioning

techniques were not criminal because they were

consistent with authorized interrogation policies, and

that his actions were legally justified under a series of

Executive Branch memos that appear to permit

aggressive interrogation techniques.189

No one has been charged with murder or manslaughter

in connection with Wali.s death. Human Rights First

asked the Department of Defense on January 26, 2006

for any update on the status of Wali.s case; as of

February 10, 2006 we had received no response.

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

Habibullah

Habibullah died on the night of December 3, 2002,

because of abuses inflicted upon him by U.S. soldiers

at the Bagram detention facility in Afghanistan.190

Habibullah was captured by an Afghan warlord and,

according to detailed reporting by the New York Times,

was brought to the Bagram detention facility on the last

day of November, 2002.191 Members of the 377th

Military Police Company at that facility reportedly

subjected detainees held at the base to peroneal

strikes .a knee strike aimed at a cluster of nerves on

the side of the thigh, meant to quickly disable an

escaping or resistant prisoner.192 One soldier stated that

he gave Habibullah five peroneal strikes for being

.noncompliant and combative..193

Immediately upon his arrival, Habibullah was placed in

an isolation cell and shackled to the ceiling by his

wrists.194 During one interrogation, an interrogator

allowed him to sit on the floor because his knees would

not bend enough for him to sit on a chair; as Habibullah

coughed up phlegm, soldiers laughed at his distress.195

One day later, Habibullah was found hanging from the

ceiling and unresponsive.196 One soldier thought that he

felt the almost-incapacitated prisoner spit on him; the

soldier yelled and began beating Habibullah while he

was still chained to the ceiling.197 The next time anyone

checked on Habibullah, he was dead.198

The U.S.-conducted autopsy found that Habibullah had

died of an embolism . a blood clot, almost certainly the

product of the repeated beatings, had traveled through

Command.s Responsibility . 15

A Human Rights First Report

his bloodstream and clogged the arteries leading to his

lungs;199 the autopsy determined the manner of death to

be homicide.200 The Army Criminal Investigation

Command looked into the death, and initially recommended

closing the case.201 According to criminal

investigators. findings it was impossible to determine

who was responsible for Habibullah.s injuries because

so many were involved.202 Investigators also failed to

maintain critical evidence in the case. A sample of

Habibullah.s blood was kept in the butter dish of

investigators. office refrigerator until the office was

closed.203

Press interest in Habibullah.s death.and that of

Dilawar, another detainee who died a week later at the

same facility.sparked renewed progress in the

criminal investigation, resulting in charges against the

soldiers allegedly responsible.204 In October 2004,

almost two years after Habibullah.s death, criminal

investigators recommended that charges be brought

against 27 soldiers for their roles in the death of

Dilawar and against 15 of the same soldiers for the

death of Habibullah, including .two captains, the

military intelligence officer in charge of the interrogation

group, and the reservist commander of the military

police guards..205 The recommended charges ranged

from dereliction of duty to involuntary manslaughter.206

The soldiers included members of the 377th Military

Police Company and interrogators from the 519th

Military Intelligence Battalion.207

To date, less than half of the soldiers against whom

charges were recommended .12 out of 27. have

actually been prosecuted for their roles in the deaths of

Habibullah and Dilawar.208 Eleven cases have been

concluded.209 Apart from demotions and some discharges,

only four of these individuals were given

sentences that included confinement, and the sentences

ranged from 60 days to five months.210 In

January 2006, after a pre-trial inquiry, the Army

dropped its criminal case against the only officer

charged (with lying to investigators and dereliction of

duties) in connection with the deaths, Military Police

Captain Christopher M. Beiring.211

Lieutenant Colonel Thomas J. Berg, the Army judge

who oversaw the pretrial inquiry, criticized the prosecution

for not presenting sufficient evidence to support

their charges against him.212 Berg added that the

military policy company had not been adequately

trained before deployment for its mission at the Bagram

detention facility: 213 .Little of the training focused on the

actual mission that the 377th [Military Police Company]

anticipated that it would assume upon arrival in theater

. . . . Much of the 377th.s training was described as

.notional. in that soldiers were asked to imagine or

pretend that they had the proper equipment for training

exercises..214 As of January 2006, the trial of Sergeant

Alan J. Driver is pending.215 Notably, no soldier has yet

been charged with murder or voluntary manslaughter

for either of the deaths of Habibullah or Dilawar.216

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

Dilawar

Dilawar was the second detainee killed in a week at the

Bagram detention facility in Afghanistan.217 A 22-yearold

Afghan citizen whose case similarly became the

focus of New York Times investigative reports, Dilawar

was driving his taxi past U.S. Camp Salerno when he

was stopped and his car searched by a local Afghan

commander working with the Americans.218 Dilawar was

then taken into custody as a suspect in a rocket

attack.219 The commander of the Afghan soldiers was

later suspected of having launched the attack

himself.220

Dilawar was brought to the Bagram detention facility on

December 5, 2002.221 The 122-pound taxi driver was

labeled a .noncompliant. detainee by U.S. soldiers, and

was subjected to the same

kind of peroneal strikes that

eventually contributed to the

death of Habibullah.222

During one of the beatings

by soldiers, Dilawar cried

.Allah. when he was hit.223

According to a U.S. soldier,

U.S. military personnel found

these cries funny and hit

Dilawar repeatedly to hear

him cry out.224 Over a 24-

hour period, one soldier

estimated that Dilawar was

Dilawar

16 . II. Homicides: Death by Torture, Abuse or Force

A Human Rights First Report

struck over 100 times by soldiers.225

According to an interpreter, during his fourth interrogation

session on December 8, Dilawar was unable to

comply with commands to keep his hands above his

head, leading one soldier to push his hands back up.226

During the same interrogation, two interrogators

shoved Dilawar against a wall when he was unable to

sit in a .chair. position against the walls because of the

injuries to his legs.227 At the end of the interrogation,

one of the soldiers ordered Dilawar to be chained to the

ceiling.228 During his final interrogation session on

December 10, Dilawar could not obey the orders the

interrogators gave him to stand in stress positions and

kneel.229 Dilawar died that day.230

The official autopsy, conducted three days after his

death, showed that Dilawar.s legs had suffered

.extensive muscle breakdown and grossly visible

necrosis with focal crumbling of the tissue.. 231 The

damage was .nearly circumferential,. from below the

skin down to the bone. The manner of death was found

to be homicide.232 Despite this conclusion, the military

initially said that Dilawar had died of natural causes.233

Criminal investigation into his death, and that of

Habibullah had been at a .virtual standstill,.234 and only

accelerated after the New York Times reported in new

detail how both men died in U.S. custody.235 The

renewed investigation also cast into stark relief the

flaws in the original investigative efforts: agents had not

interviewed the commanders of the soldiers responsible

for the deaths, failed to interview an interrogator

who had witnessed most of Dilawar.s questioning

during his detention, and mishandled critical evidence.

236 It was only during the subsequent

investigation . and at the individual initiative of at least

one soldier . that investigators finally took statements.

237 The statements revealed that witnesses who

had previously been overlooked had crucial information,

including an eyewitness account of an interrogator

apparently choking Dilawar by pulling on his hood, and

that .most [soldiers at the base] were convinced that

[Dilawar] was innocent..238

The status of prosecutions of the soldiers responsible

for Dilawar.s death is described above.

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

Sajid Kadhim Bori al-Bawi

Sajid Kadhim Bori al-Bawi, an Iraqi actor, was shot and

killed in his home in Baghdad early in the morning of

May 17, 2004.239 According to his family, U.S. and Iraqi

soldiers raided the house by crashing through the gate

in a Humvee.240 Al-Bawi.s brother, uncle, and nephew

were bound and held on their knees and the women

and children were kept in the living room while he was

interrogated in a bedroom.241 While they were waiting,

the family heard shots ring out.242 The troops left an

hour after they arrived.243 According to the family, the

troops took with them a robed and hooded man, and

told the family that they were arresting al-Bawi.244 But

when the family went into the room where he had been

questioned, they found al-Bawi.s corpse, stuffed behind

a refrigerator and hidden under a mattress.245 He had

been shot five times: in the leg, throat, armpit, and

chest.246

Sajid Kadhim Bori al-Bawi.s

son holds a portrait

of his father

An administrative investigation247 into al-Bawi.s death

found the shooting to be justified.248 The military

reported in its initial public statements about the

shooting that al-Bawi had

grabbed a U.S. soldier.s

pistol, switched the safety

off, and the soldier then

fired five shots in selfdefense.

249 But the

military.s statements

became the subject of

dispute. An Iraqi medical

examiner who examined

the body found that the

shots had been fired from

two different directions; al-

Bawi.s family reported that

they found two kinds of

casings in the room where

he died.250 Army criminal

investigators only began their investigation a month

after al-Bawi.s death, when an investigation was

requested by the military.s Detainee Assessment Task

Force, based on a Washington Post article detailing alCommand

.s Responsibility . 17

A Human Rights First Report

Bawi.s family.s allegations.251 Despite the contradictions

between the findings of the administrative investigation

and allegations by al-Bawi.s family and the medical

examiner,252 the criminal investigating agent spent a

scant four hours reviewing the findings of the administrative

investigation, did not attempt any independent

verification, and then forwarded the case for closure.253

News reports detailing the family.s allegations were

included in the file, but the only change the criminal

investigator made to the initial probe was to correct the

spelling of al-Bawi.s name.254 The criminal probe

restated the conclusion that the killing was justified and

recommended no charges be brought.255

The lack of any independent investigation into al-Bawi.s

family.s allegations . or any investigation beyond a

review of the administrative findings . is troubling. At a

minimum, there is a disconnect between the administrative

finding that one soldier fired all the shots with

one weapon,256 and the family.s allegations that al-Bawi

was shot from two directions with two different calibers

of bullet.257

Al-Bawi.s family reportedly was offered $1,500 in

compensation by military officials, conditioned on their

agreeing that the United States has no responsibility for

al-Bawi.s death.258 The family has refused the money.259

PROFILE: HOMICIDE

Obeed Hethere Radad

Obeed Hethere Radad was shot to death on September

11, 2003, in his detention cell in an American

forward operating base in Tikrit, Iraq.260 Both criminal

and administrative investigations were conducted into

his death.261 The soldier accused of the shooting,

Specialist Juba Martino-Poole, stated during the

administrative investigation that he had shot Radad

without giving any verbal warning because Radad was

.fiddling. with his hand restraints and standing close to

the wire at the entrance to his cell.262

The administrative investigation found .sufficient cause

to believe. Martino-Poole violated the Army.s use of

force policy and the base.s particular directives on the

use of deadly force with which Radad could be

charged; the administrative investigation recommended

a criminal investigation be initiated to determine

offenses.263 But the investigation also determined that

there was inadequate clarity on the use of weapons

and force with regard to detainee operations at the

base, and noted in particular the lack of any written

standard operating procedures.264 The investigation

also criticized the location of weapons within the

detention facilities, and the insufficient numbers of

guards assigned to guard detainees.265 A military lawyer

who later reviewed the administrative investigation

found it legally insufficient